CCI may be on warpath

Prof. (Hari Om)

Is the Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CCI), Jammu, planning to take recourse to an extreme step and start an indefinite strike? If what the otherwise quite moderate and peace-loving president of the CCI Y.V. Sharma told reporters in Jammu on September 18 is any indication, then it can be said without any hesitation that Jammu could be on the warpath anytime after a couple of days. Talking to reporters, Sharma, along with his colleagues, had, among other things, said: “The Chamber may call for an indefinite strike or launch a non-cooperation movement against the government if it doesn’t adopt the trader-friendly policy” and accused the government of “ignoring the demands of the traders”.

“The government had assured the Chamber that it will assess the losses suffered by the victims of Kishtwar riots (read violence as certain anti-India elements and extremists had targeted the members of the minority community after offering Eid prayers on August 9 and there is nothing on the ground which could even remotely suggest that the minority community had played some mischief to provoke members of the majority community to attack them or avenge the mischief) within a month,” Sharma also said, and added that the state government had made a solemn commitment that it will compensate the victims of violence on the basis of “actual loss…in the next 30 days of the assessment of loss”.

What provoked the CCI to threaten an indefinite strike? It was, according to him, the recent cabinet decision wherein it was announced that in all the cases the limit of compensation will be between Rs. 2 lakh and Rs. 5 lakh, irrespective of the extent of the loss. The other provocation was the condition that the compensation will be distributed equally between the owners of the shops and the tenants doing business in the said shops. Sharma took exception to this condition saying that the CCI had been given to understand that “this order would be applicable retrospectively with effect from April 1, 2013″. “It is a breach of trust,” Sharma stated bemoaning the arbitrary conduct of the concerned authorities.

As a matter of fact, the CCI leadership charged the authorities with going back on their solemn commitment that had induced it to call off its strike last month against what it called the official “inaction” in Kishtwar. “The CCI withdrew its strike only after the express assurance of the Chief Minister and his team of ministers involved in the dialogue that the traders must be paid full compensation for the losses they suffered” on August 9, when Kishtwar witnessed violence on an unprecedented scale with the hooligans and anti-national elements attacking members of the minority community, looting and plundering their shops and business establishments and setting on fire their properties and vehicles, including cars.

According to one estimate, the anti-national elements had set on fire more than 80 properties of the minority community, including shops and other establishments, besides other things, including even government vehicles and petrol tankers. The violence had also resulted in three deaths and injuries to several others, some of whom had to be airlifted to Army Hospital, Udhampur, and Jammu Medical College Hospital for immediate treatment. The Army had to airlift the injured civilians as those who controlled the Kishtwar District Hospital had refused admission to the injured civilians belonging to the minority community.

The situation in Kishtwar would not have deteriorated to the extent it deteriorated had the law and order authorities and certain important elements in the government and local civil administration taken all the precautionary measures and acted in time and enforced curfew strictly. It may be pointed out that the local authorities had announced curfew at about 12 noon but it was enforced only after 7 p.m. for the reasons best known to them. It was this act on their part that enabled the goons and votaries of Great Kashmir and Pakistan to enact the drama of death and destruction with utmost ease and go scot-free. The Army swung into action after 7 p.m. and brought the situation under control.

It would not be out of place to mention here that Kishtwar and the adjoining affected towns remained under curfew for days together as the authorities apprehended more trouble there. It is also important to note that the organized violence had made a number of families belonging to the minority community migrate to safer places. In fact, some of them did migrate, but returned to their original habitat after the situation got normal and the community leaders played an important role. The gravity of the situation could be gauged from the fact that the Minister of State Home Sajjad Ahmad Kitchloo, who hails from Kishtwar and was there when violence broke out, had to tender resignation on August 12, the day the Indian Parliament took up the Kishtwar issue in a big way and the entire opposition comprising the BJP, the CPI, the CPI-M, the BSP, the TDP, the TMC and other parties in one voice condemned the planned violence and demanded stringent action against the culprits. Indeed, the entire opposition held the state government responsible for the unfortunate and avoidable gory incident with the BSP even demanding its dismissal and imposition of the Governor’s Rule, the CPI-M accusing the state government of allowing the situation to deteriorate and the BJP telling the ruling clique that the state did not belong to “one family”.

What happened on August 9 continues to cause concern even today. And what the CCI said has to be viewed in this context. The state government would do well to address its concerns and concede its demands, which are genuine by any yardstick. Their demands include compensation to the victims based on the actual loss and rehabilitation of all the victims of Kishtwar tragedy in a way that they harbour no ill will or grudge against the authorities. Even otherwise, the authorities are required to go an extra mile to assuage the hurt feelings of the victims of violence and, hence, it is imperative to concede the demands as put forth by the CCI on behalf of the affected people.

Source: http://www.jammukashmirnow.com/

Gilgit-Baltistan is politically marginalized yet a geo-strategic region, which borders China, India, Afghanistan-Tajikistan and Pakistan. China has been involved in development of the region since the early 1960s while recently earmarking billions of dollars for mineral extraction, dam building, and industrial and telecom growth. The Institute believes that since Gilgit-Baltistan is sparsely populated, ecologically fragile, and contested by two nuclear powers, rapid interventions can create political friction at the global level.

Given China’s interest in accessing the Gwadar port through Gilgit-Baltistan, thousands of Chinese workers and security personnel have entered the disputed region endangering the well being of locals and placing an extra burden on resources. It is estimated that China will invest more than $30 billion in Gilgit-Baltistan in the coming years to build dams and connect Xinjiang with Gwadar via rail and road.

This will help China access naval bases in Karachi and Balochistan. Chinese firms are also involved in mineral extraction which has triggered tens of thousands of locals to protest. Although many of these projects could lead to prosperity, the presence of foreign workers could deprive the poverty-stricken citizens of economic opportunities. In some instances, the natives have clashed with Chinese workers demanding their withdrawal.

The Institute remains keen in analyzing these evolving situations which have long-term cultural, environmental and political implications for the region. The Institute asks the Pakistani government not to promote Chinese Mandarin language in Gilgit-Baltistan at the cost of the indigenous languages. There is already a ban on teaching native languages in government schools which could lead to a cultural genocide.

The Institute also focuses on terrorism. The Pakistani government has long used Gilgit-Baltistan to promote insurgency in Afghanistan and India. In 1974, Pakistan violated UN resolutions by abrogating the State Subject Rule and causing large-scale demographic change in Gilgit-Baltistan. Many internationally banned state-led organizations have since established their presence in the region.

Extremists and militants threaten the survival of the native population which follows Shia and Sufi traditions. Shias refuse to allow their land being used as sanctuaries, training camps and launching pads for insurgencies which has become the main cause of their persecution. The Pakistani secret service is concerned about losing control over the strategic region, and encourages the persecution of  Shias to keep them subservient. As a result, thousands of Shias have died in the past 65 years while tens of thousands have been forced out of their homes and continue to live as refugees.

In 2012, more than 100 Shias of Gilgit-Baltistan were killed by terrorists. Demographic change through exodus, genocide and forceful conversions has helped the militants secure grounds in different regions. Growing extremism has brought social degradation and polarized religious and ethnic groups. At the same time, it has affected the tourism industry which is the backbone of local economic growth.

Militants have also forced India to increase troop-deployment on the border with Gilgit-Baltistan creating political friction. As the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan is fast approaching, it is feared that Gilgit-Baltistan will once again become the hub of banned terrorist outfits which intend to infiltrate into northern Afghanistan. The Institute believes that the fallout of these advances on local people and culture will be detrimental. Given the gravity of the situation, the Institute believes that the US government should declare Pakistan a country of particular concern (CPC) to contain state-led religious persecution. The Institute also strongly recommends that Pakistan remove militant camps and reinstate State Subject Rule in Gilgit-Baltistan to discourage religious and racial demographic change and resource thievery.

Moreover, the Institute suggests that Pakistan resume travel between Afghanistan, Gilgit-Baltistan and India to promote trade and secular culture as a counter to the growing extremism. For centuries, these routes have served as the lifeline of the silk trade and brought prosperity to the locals. The closed border has directly affected more than half a million people in Gilgit-Baltistan who now survive on government handouts and temporary labor.

The Institute shares the view that isolation and closed borders breeds terrorism and restricts the ability of the natives to resist militant onslaught. Therefore resumption of trade on traditional routes will be an incentive for the locals to empower themselves financially and partner with Western governments in the fight against terrorism. Resuming travel between Gilgit-Baltistan and India is also a humanitarian appeal as it will allow more than ten thousand refugees reunite with their relatives across the Line of Control, which has become the Berlin Wall of South Asia.

Pakistan lacks sovereignty over the disputed region of Gilgit-Baltistan and rules it with ad-hoc ordinances. As Gilgit-Baltistan remains outside Pakistan’s constitutional framework, such temporary political frameworks have failed to provide socioeconomic relief or justice to the locals. These ordinances – twelve in total since 1948 – have promoted exploitation of resources by outsiders but with little benefits to the indigenous peoples.

The Institute remains a committed defender of courageous political and cultural activists who work at great personal risk. Currently several political activists are facing sedition charges and detention for challenging illegal government practices. The Institute demands immediate release of all political prisoners and an investigation by the UN into the state-led extra judicial killings in Gilgit-Baltistan.  The Institute also asks Pakistan and India to demilitarize the region to de-escalate tension. Pakistan has fought many wars with India over Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, most recently the Kargil war of 1999 which killed more than 4,000 people in Gilgit-Baltistan. The Institute supports peaceful dialogue as the only means to solve the Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan dispute and expects that the UN plays a supportive role in this regard.

(Senge Sering is a researcher and human rights advocate. He was born in the UN declared disputed region of Gilgit-Baltistan which remains in Pakistani control since 1948. Currently, he is managing the Institute for Gilgit Baltistan Studies, based in Washington DC. He frequently visits the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Council, the European Parliament, the British Parliament and the American Congress where he raises awareness about Gilgit Baltistan. Senge has been instrumental in arranging conference on Gilgit Baltistan in collaboration with several US and European think tanks and disseminating information on related issues)

http://www.balawaristan.net/

The Kashgar-Gwadar corridor

The prime minister recently held live televised proceedings on the likely alignments for the proposed Kashgar to Gwadar rail and road links. Since the two pre-feasibility studies on the subject were conducted during my tenure as chairman Pakistan Railways, I thought that such an important issue being aired live was pretty useful. The rail route from Kashgar to Gwadar would have some strategic but phenomenal economic significance. In addition to serving as a commercial and trade conduit for the two countries the new route has the potential of opening up those areas of the country that have been denied rail connection even 65 years after Partition.

The primary reason Kohat, Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan, Dera Ghazi Khan and the interior of Balochistan have severely lagged behind the rest of the country is because of an absence of railway connection. Almost all of Sindh and Punjab have developed while only Nowshera, Mardan Peshawar, Haripur and Quetta-Chaman in the other two provinces have managed decent economic development. This is so because raw material and finished goods could be easily and cheaply transported by rail. We should not forget that till the recent past the safest and quickest form of passenger communication was by rail and investors would shy away from cities that did not have railheads. Pakistan Railways has taken a severe beating over the last 20 years but it could be turned around – though not quite so easily.

It is, therefore, important to ensure that a route that serves the undeveloped parts of the country be selected for the rail and road corridor from Kashgar to Gwadar. It would be a tragedy for the marginalised areas of Pakistan if the new alignment is superimposed on the existing railway and motorways east of the Indus. That would have adverse economic consequences for much of Khyber Pakhtunkhwaand Balochistan. Strategic considerations demand that the road and rail axis not be concentrated close to each other. Two parallel but geographically apart road and railway networks should be developed on either sides of the River Indus. I propose the following alignment for both the new railway and highway.

The route from Kashgar could pass through either the Kilik and Mintaka passes, since these are closer to Kashgar, or else under the Khunjerab Pass. The former passes were the traditional caravan route and would provide an alternate communication link to Gilgit, perhaps through the Ghizr area, and then to the rest of the country in addition to the existing Karakoram Highway. The exact alignment would be determined by detailed studies; two prefeasibility studies have already been undertaken by the Pakistan Railways in 2006. These need to be converted into feasibility studies leading to a detailed engineering and design investigation.

This route would then pass close to Gilgit and lead to Jaghlot and Raikot. The Skardu traffic would take off from Jaghlot. Since the KKH from Raikot to Basha (105 kilometres) would in any case be inundated by the Diamer Bhasha lake a new rail/road alignment on the left bank of the Indus would need to be constructed so that a tunnel could be bored under the Babusar Pass. From there through tunnels, galleries and ‘open to the sky’ rail-road it would be aligned towards Mansehra, then Abbottabad and on to the Havelian Railhead which is already connected to Rawalpindi. From Havelian the new railway line should follow the general route of the motorway to Peshawar by crossing the River Indus near Hund. This would lead to Mardan, Charsadda and Peshawar and then to Kohat, Serai Naurang, Dera Ismail Khan, Dera Ghazi Khan and Kashmore. There is an existing railway line from Kashmore to Dadu and Karachi which, of course, needs improvement.

We must appreciate that the present right bank of the Indus route has already reduced the distance from Peshawar to Karachi by nearly 300 miles and the new railway line would also be short. No new line should be constructed along the existing railways, east of the Indus, but instead these should be strengthened to speeds of 140-200 kilometres per hour from Rawalpindi to Lahore, Multan and Karachi. In these sections rail speeds have to be increased by track and signalling improvements rather than by duplicating rail services.

The need to extend the dual line from Lahore to Rawalpindi is of course a priority. This arrangement would be more cost effective as well. The new railway line from Kashmore should open up Balochistan and needs to pass through or close to Khuzdar, Turbat and Gwadar. It would link Quetta with the existing track for the minerals of Saindak, Reko Diq and other mines to be transported to Gwadar for export. More importantly central Balochistan would be opened for communication leading to rapid economic growth.

Only those people who have seen Turbat, Punjgur, Awaran, Kharan and Khuzdar know how under developed these areas are. They deserve a better deal from the state. In the years to come Dera Ismail Khan will be the breadbasket of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa after the province starts utilising its full share of water. Today the bulk of the export and import trade to and from Afghanistan uses the right bank of the Indus route with the activation of the Bannu-Mir Ali road leading to the Ghulam Khan Customs Post on the border. A pre-feasibility study conducted by the Railways in 2005 for the right bank of Indus line is available.

In the years ahead this railway line could be extended to Afghanistan as well because the Torkham line has a very steep climb. The Quetta-Chaman line is more feasible though is not without its technical difficulties. A railway line from Dadu to Gwadar would be a waste of money – money that could be better utilised elsewhere for the railways. The existing Gwadar to Karachi Highway is adequate to cater to the immediate needs of the port. A decision is now due. What is required is getting the strategic vision correct even if it costs an extra year or two. The chief ministers of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan need to remain on board.

The writer is a former chairman of Pakistan Railways and Wapda.

Email: shakildurrani@ymail.com

http://pamirtimes.net/2013/

Kashmir, the prism that need not be

SEPTEMBER 19, 2013  

Daya Sagar

What message and to whom Government of India wanted to send through Zubin Mehta’s ‘Ehsaas-e-Kashmir’ concert are still unanswered questions. As the Opposition leader, Mehbooba Mufti, said at Regal Chowk last Friday, Delhi has to rework on its approach regarding J&K affairs. “If the Centre and the J&K government won’t change their attitude and polices towards Kashmir and its people, they should prepare for a big disaster. In the past five years, hearts of youth have been filled with hatred by the government.” Contexts may be different but opinions seem to be converging and convey the same message that Delhi has to relook at the policies.

The question is not that who is responsible for the emotional and blood stained environment that prevails in Kashmir whether or not the government feels responsible for the life, property and honour of the people of the State. Can simple expression of sympathies or a compensation of a lakh or two to the victims of violence relieve the common innocent Kashmiri masses of the injuries being inflicted at social, ideological and emotional strata?

It is a hard reality that in a democracy the reins of governance and policy planning have to remain with the politicians. And the reality is that for politicians their first preference is winning elections. Kishtwar suffered of communal clashes after some people raised slogans and Muzaffarnagar (UP) suffered of communal clashes after some youth protested against abuse of a girl. But some politicians did not lose any time in to cash on the situations. Even the pioneers and patrons of women rights movement made their presence felt. Such power hungry ‘well wishers’ are far from owing their allegiance to any religion or faith. So it is not only state policies but also the intentions of those in the seat of governance that need to be checked.

It is a myopic view to look at J&K as a state that has only six MPs. Had it not been so Delhi would not have branded the separatist ideologies in J&K only in economic and employment related issues. It has become a compulsion for the local mainstream leaders to raise questions atleast due to deliberations by Indian Government, if not India.

Any senior Indian leader, may he be from J&K or from any other Indian state, whenever addresses J&K affairs the focus remains to be the Kashmir Valley only. But unless the vision extends to other areas outside the valley the solution to J&K turmoil would be a distant dream. A lot of people outside the valley and in the near regions are living miserable lives. In Kashmir Valley every day a life is lost; there can not be any thing more worrying than this.

On September 8, Janta Dal (U) leader Sharad Yadav said in Srinagar: “I tell you with authority that there would have been no militancy, had elections not been rigged here”. Similarly it was on June 25 that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, while addressing a gathering in Srinagar after the launch of postal stamp in memory of Kashmiri poet Pirzada Ghulam Ahmad Mehjoor at SKICC, said: “Even in 1947, the father of the nation Mahatma Gandhi could see a ray of hope for communal brotherhood in Kashmir only.” The PM added that Kashmiris have been a symbol of social values and morality.

When almost all senior Indian leaders have been trying to express their concern for the ‘cause of Kashmiris’ and when the allegations leveled by the separatists/ social groups/ mainstream leaders have not been negated, what is the reason that Delhi have not been able to earn the faith of the people and only talk of need for winning the hearts and minds of Kashmiries after six decades of accession?

What ever problems are there in J&K, the solution only rests with those who are holding the reins of in Delhi. But to achieve anything they will have to make a paradigm shift. Ideologies need to be markedly defined and the mainstream elements will have to be encouraged. The policies of putting a lid by treating separatist ideologies with employment generation and economic assistance will have to be shed. The fatal attraction of the vote-hunting politicians will have to be checked by the social organization. Must need is to understand the genesis of the problem.

J&K Cabinet had on Sepetember 12 (this month) expressed deep sorrow and concern on the killing of 4 persons in CRPF firing at Gagren Shopian. The government appeared to be in a firefighting mood and it has been understood that that the Chief Minister has directed the Director General of Police to replace the CRPF personnel at the Gagren Camp in Shopian with a contingent of the Jammu and Kashmir Armed Police. Such actions cannot help in restoring peace and faith, since simply defusing an explosive situation is not enough, we have to also undo the “charge”.

The culture of allegations and counter allegations has flourished all these years in Kashmir valley. Even leaders from mainstream do not hesitate in putting the blame on security forces. The leaders from out side Kashmir Valley appear to be interested only in who forms the local government and hence the world opinion on J&K is formed on the basis of what Kashmiri leaders say. Under such circumstances, the genuine sentiments get buried deep down with all kinds of secondary and tertiary problems.

So, in case Delhi does not agree and the government led by Omar Abdullah still is of opinion that disturbed conditions do not exist in some districts of J&K, Governor may declare such areas undisturbed and only local police be employed there. Process should be started with relieving the central security forces from the duty. But a cat simply closing the eyes can not disfigure the presence of the ‘big cat’.

The author is a social activist and can be mailed at dayasagr45@yahoo.com

Source: http://www.risingkashmir.in/

Shopian: My bleeding home

Shopian has been the gateway to the Valley on the Moghul Road from a far too distant past. Its historic importance as a political and trade route was never lost. Historic events and the scenic geographic terrain as also the men of great eminence defined it in glowing terms. This was the place known by the birth of great men of learning like Mohamad Amin Kamil, Mohamad Yousuf Teing, Shourida Kashmiri and Mohamad Ayub Betab : dedicated political and social workers like Kh. Ghulam Hassan Khan Pinjora and Pt. Saroop Nath: highly enlightened and respected religious leader like Moulvi Mohamad Amin; and by the emancipated journalists like Shamim Ahmad Shamim and Mohammad Sayeed Malik. Its Ambri apple spread fragrance where ever it travelled. Pure ghee produced here made every dish sweet spread across a dining table anywhere, be in a home or in a hotel. The warmth of its blankets kept both pleb and a prince going in the chilly winter months of the Valley. Majestic Rambiara added to its scenic charm. The roads of Gagran and Memandhar wound around a hillock ( Lahanthoor ) which immortalised Bollywood movie Kashmir Ki Kali and launched Sharmila Tagore to the cinematic heights.

            Rambiara, in lowered head as a grieving witness, mourns the death of two brutally ravished daughters of the town. The blood littered roads of Gagran and Memandhar no longer take pride in having carried Shamila Tagore to the great artistic heights. They grieve over the death of the innocents whose lives oozed out in their laps. Adult and teenagers dread to come out. Roads wear a deserted look. Curfew here firing there, tell a sad tale. This is today's Shopian - my home town.

Till yesterday, Shopian defined itself in a very positive manner. Unfortunately, the positivity in its definition has vanished, only to be replaced by a despair, gloom and sorrow. Merchants of death, howsoever high administrative position they are occupying, who have given bad name to the town, must be named and shamed. Some may ponder- what has gone wrong with the place. Well, the answer is simple : same that has been the case with rest of the Valley. Malaise is manifest. There is no need to get over the data. Facts lay bare. In short terms, one may say that there is a total governance deficit. What adds to the tragedy is the complete vacuum in civilised politics. Mainstream politics is as absent as, perhaps, that of the separatist kind. Rogues in uniform and the lumpens in the streets have a field day. The circumstances have become so bloody that everyone amongst us must feel compelled to do something and speak out. It will be naive of us if the problem is considered a local one. In the long run, Shopian problem cannot be dealt with in isolation or opposite side of what happens in the Valley. Peace, here, has to be embedded in larger framework that improves atmosphere in the whole State. State government, being in a dominant position, has a great responsibility in this regard. Though, it has been our experience so far that it has only made a bad situation worse.

Fundamental changes are required. Finding a way out in bits and pieces put together won't work. Relocating a CRPF Camp from here to there is no solution. Security forces footprint has to be reduced in size across the State. Local dialogue must begin; government has to take greater action to prevent human rights abuse and, at least, do the job of governance. Shopian has a vibrant civil society. It rose to the occasion in 2009 when two young women fell victim to the ravishing eyes of the brutes and awakened conscience of whole world which resulted in universal condemnation of the gory act. The civil society will have to act again. If not for anything else, but to ensure that no innocent life is snuffed out. And when we talk of a local dialogue the government, apart from reining in its forces, will be best advised to take this civil society on board for the restoration of semblance of peace and order in the turbulent area. Every one of us must put weight behind the civil society and help our home place regain the past. Shopian must invoke its inherent defining qualities. We owe it to our birth place.

(The author is Former Pr District & Judge)

http://www.kashmirtimes.com/newsdet.aspx?q=22797

Kashmir Problem Nehru’s Special Gift? By Balraj Puri

Seniormost BJP leader Lal Krishan Advani slammed family of Jawaharlal Nehru “whose lack of courage led to Kashmir issue remaining unresolved.” In his blogged statement, the BJP leader also slammed the late Chief Minister, then called Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir whose ambition to be the leader of an independent Kashmir also contributed to the issue. According to Advani, India had two opportunities to settle the issue once and for all—one in 1947 when Nehru ruled the country and the other in 1971, when his daughter Indira Gandhi was at the helm of the affairs. Thus, “Kashmir problem is Nehru’s special gift to the nation,” he wrote in his entry blog: http/blog.l.k.advani.in

No quotation will remain as important as this statement of Advani. For no other Advani is ever likely to become as important in the family as Lal Krishan has become. Nor Kashmir is likely to remain as controversial for ever as it is today.

Political generalizations are always a hazardous task. Who could, for instance, have predicted that a Hindu ruler of a Muslim majority state of princely states of India, would opt to accede to India at the time of the partition of the subcontinent into two countries of India and Pakistan in 1947? And an attack by tribes of Muslims of Pakistan would be so resolutely opposed by overwhelming Muslim population of Kashmir. Indeed Gandhi saw a ray of light in the benighted subcontinent of India and Pakistan during the partition of India in 1947. Kashmir provided a ray of hope to the apostle of non-violence at his darkest hour.

Nehru had cultivated people of Kashmir over decades. He fell in love with the beautiful damsel of Kashmir which was adequately reciprocated. By championing the cause of self-rule of Kashmiri Muslims against rule of outsiders—Mughal, Afghan, Sikh and Dogra rulers—extending to 400 years—Nehru established the principle that soveignty belonged to the people and not to the rulers as announced by the British rulers while granting independence to India. Thus India established superiority of its moral and political case during crucial cold war era—the effects of which are still being felt. This qualitative change in world politics is the most tangible gain for forces of moral principles is to change the rules of the game. Who is the greater gainer? A nation that establishes a higher rates of growth? Has acquired more powerful weapons of destruction? Is more influential rule in world affairs? And so on.

India under Nehru’s leadership aspired to change the rules of the game? And moved ahead of what were so far considered to be more powerful or, richer or more prosperous nations. The new rules may be more humane, nobler, more moral and civilized? Unless rules of the game are settled, it is difficult to pass a judgment on who has performed better?

For as a constitutional head, Maharaja, had no power nor he could provide leadership to the region and his presence would inhibit growth of any political leadership. I submitted that what Jammu needed was not a psychological illusion but tangible and institutional arrangement for the purpose. Nehru appreciated the line of reasoning and anomaly of the situation. But he averred that Hari Singh-Abdullah cart still represented a sort of “stable instability.” That the cart did not prove stable instability became evident when Maharaja had to abdicate on May 25, 1949.

From 1949 to 1952, I had several meetings with Nehru in which, inter alia, I urged appreciation of secular character of urges of Jammu and for constitutional and institutional arrangement for satisfaction of its regional aspirations..

In my meeting with Nehru on April 14, 1952, I reminded him in a written note that, “greatest internal problem of the state is to maintain cordial relations between its constituent units.” I demanded regional autonomy for this objective. On the eve of the Delhi Agreement between Nehru and Abdullah, I argued, in my meeting with Nehru on July 15, 1952, that in his talks with Kashmiri leaders whatever status agreement was arrived on centre-state relations, its logic should be extended to the state-region relations. Nehru asked me to give him a week to discuss the matter with Sheikh Sahib. Meanwhile I met the Sheikh also, who, too was convinced. Thus the Delhi Agreement signed by Nehru and Abdullah on July 24, 1952 provided for autonomy for the state within India and for regional autonomy within the State.

But complications were added in regional relations and centre-state relations by the agitation launched by Praja Parishad against that Agreement and for ek vidhan, ek pradhan and ek nishan (one constitution, one president and one flag) and for abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution which granted a special status to the state. Discussing the situation in Jammu Hind Samachar on December 25, 1952, editorially commented, “In this connection Balraj Puri, who feels concerned over the Jammu agitation, has suggested regional autonomy which deserves consideration. For no other solution is in sight.”

A similar observation was made by the Tribune on February 11, 1952. It observed, “as Sheikh Abdullah is entitled to demand autonomy and we appreciate his position, similarly Sheikh Abdullah should appreciate the demand of people of Jammu. They must be given genuine autonomy.”

Sheikh Abdullah offering negotiations with Jana Sangh repeated his stand for giving regional autonomy “as would be provided in the constitution that was being drawn up.” Broadcasting from Radio Kashmir on April 17, 1953, he said, “this will remove all the fears of domination of one unit over the other and will make for voluntary unity and consolidation of the people of the state.”

Indira Gandhi’s agreement with Sheikh Abdullah undid all the wrongs that were done by Nehru to the Sheikh and internationalized the Kashmir problem for war 21 years. India would have missed that opportunity if it had persisted with the demand, of Dr. Mukerjee. And continued to oppose Kashmir’s accession to India if Kashmiris had persisted in opposing Article 370. Nehru had led India when values and system were fast changing. From feudal age, capitalist liberalism became popular. Nehru also realized the importance of egalitarian urges of the people and in 1955 the Congress party, which he led, adopted socialistic pattern of society as its objective. Thus his leadership remained relevant throughout.

Had Nehru yielded to the demand of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukerjee, the founder president of the Bhartiya Jana Sangh, the predecessor of the BJP, case of secularism, federalism and democracy in India would have been much weaker and India would not have been able to acquired the position it had acquire in the world. Nehru succeeded in getting the accession of all the three disputed princely states—Hyderabad, Junagarh and Kashmir to India with full legally and moral validity. For it had the support of the ruler, who had the legal authority to do so as well as the peoples of these States. The alternative approach of the Hindu requisites, who tried to exchange Hyderabad with Kashmir would have made India much weaker. Many complication have been added to Kashmir problem since then. But BJP, has played no small role in weakening India’s case on Kashmir as is evident from its role what is called full integration of the state with Indian Union.

Balraj Puri, a noted author and activist, is based in Jammu

http://www.balawaristan.net/

Kishtwar riots an ISI bid at ethnic cleansing: Defence expert

NEW DELHI: The August 9 riots at Kishtwar in Jammu, dubbed as "communal", were actually another bid by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) at orchestrating ethnic cleansing in the northern Indian state, according to a senior defence expert. "Our estimate is that the ISI used the riots to get rid of the village defence committees (VDCs) to clear the way for ethnic cleansing," Maj Gen (retd) GD Bakshi, whose book 'Kishtwar Cauldron: The Struggle Against ISI's Ethnic Cleansing' just hit the stands, said on Sunday.  "It is the first phase of a diabolical move by the ISI to further carry out its agenda of ethnic cleansing in Jammu & Kashmir," he added.

According to Bakshi, after ISI-inspired militants drove out the Kashmiri Pandits from the Kashmir valley, the Pakistani agency has next set its sights on the Dogra population in the mountainous districts of Doda and Kishtwar. The ethnic cleansing being sponsored by the ISI is one aspect of the terror operations being carried out that has escaped public notice completely, Bakshi avers.  "In February and March 1990, (the now defunct) JKLF (Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front) started a systematic ethnic cleansing campaign to kill, terrorise and drive out the entire 400,000-strong community of Kashmiri Pandits from the valley of Kashmir," Bakshi said. "Over 20,000 houses of Kashmiri Pandits were burnt, some 105 of the Pandit educational institutions were destroyed and 103 temples razed to the ground. Over 1,100 Kashmiri were tortured and killed."

According to Bakshi, some 140,000 to 160,00 Kashmiri Pandits fled the valley between February and March 1990.  This was followed by high profile killings of senior Kashmiri Pandit officials, intellectuals and prominent citizens that resulted in the total exodus of the Kashmiri Pandit population from the valley.  According to Bakshi, the pogrom against the Dogra community by ISI-sponsored militants started in 1993 when 14 Dogras were massacred in a bus near a place called Hasti Aug 16 that year.  The next year, 800 Dogra families fled to Himachal Pradesh and in August that year, the Sector 9 Rashtriya Rifles was raised in Kishtwar.

In 1995, the Indian government set up village defence committees and armed them with World War I-vintage Lee Enfield rifles.  That stabilised the situation in the area and six Border Security Force (BSF) battalions were withdrawn.  Immediately thereafter, in 1996, a total of 39 Dogras were killed in separate incidents.  This persecution against Dogras continued till 2001 claiming scores of lives, according to Bakshi, who commanded the Sector 9 Rashtriya Rifles from 2000-end to 2002.  In 2001, Bakshi led a massive manhunt to track down and kill a group of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) militants who had targeted several innocent Dogras.  That had a salutory impact and there were no major incidents against the Dogra community after September 2001.  Bakshi's book comes just over a month after the latest violence in Kishtwar.  The book provides details of the intense operations in a very sensitive region of Jammu & Kashmir and also gives the doctrinal overview of such operations.  "Pakistan's recent peace overtures (to India) are quite apparently designed to get a free hand on its western front - to decisively influence the outcome in Afghanistan," Bakshi writes in the post-script of the book, adding that the withdrawal of the US-led troops from Afaghanistan in 2014 will cast a shadow over the whole of the south Asian region.  "For this, it (Pakistan) needs a temporary truce on its eastern front with India in 2014-15 so that it can deal undisturbed with Afghanistan and then turn around and send in thousands of out-of-job Taliban cadres into J&K and even the rest of India for a final phase of the Gazhuwa - the civilisational conflict to dismember India," he states.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com

 When will people of Kashmir learn? Dr Shabir Choudhry

‘Myth’ is that people of Kashmir are very intelligent, freedom loving and tolerant. I know some people will get upset by my opening sentence; but no matter how many people get upset by this, I will call it a myth until it is proven to be true. People who are intelligent and freedom loving do not remain occupied and oppressed for so long. People who are tolerant do not invite foreigners to attack their country and request new rulers from outside the boundaries of Kashmir; and do not become so intolerant that minorities feel unsafe in their homes and people feel frightened to express their views.

People with tunnel vision, twisted mind and loyalties outside the boundaries of Kashmir fabricate history and tell us that our slavery started with occupation of the Sikhs, as Sikhs were non Muslims and they ended Afghan (Muslim) rule in Kashmir. However, true sons of soil know, although Afghans and Mughals were Muslims, but they were also occupiers and they brutally oppressed people of Kashmir. Apart from that they did not go there to advance cause of Islam, as Kashmir was already a Muslim country; and perhaps better Muslims than Mughals who invaded Kashmir in 1586.

            After the Sikh rule Maharaja Gulab Singh established State of Jammu and Kashmir which unlike other Princely States enjoyed greater autonomy - short of complete independence as the British were responsible for defence. After the end of the British Raj in India, the British Paramountcy or whatever pacts the Maharajah had with the British came to an end; and Jammu and Kashmir emerged as an independent State on 15 August 1947.

The Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir concluded a Standstill Agreement with Pakistan and also offered India to have a Standstill Agreement. India wanted to discuss this matter further, but on 22 October 1947, in violation of the Standstill Agreement Pakistan launched a tribal attack on Jammu and Kashmir. This unprovoked and naked aggression resulted in death of thousands of innocent men women and children; and the Maharajah fearing fall of his summer capital Srinagar, asked India for help.

This help was only made available when the Maharajah signed an Instrument of Accession which was provisionally accepted and had to be ratified by the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Indian army reached Srinagar on the morning of 27 October and started fighting the raiders. This resulted in the first Kashmir war between India and Pakistan, in which people of Jammu and Kashmir suffered immensely and the State was forcibly divided between the two countries; and once again we lost our independence.

Important point to note here is that we lost our independence in 1586 because our stronger Muslim neighbour of the time – Akbar the Great invaded our country. After centuries of slavery, exploitation and oppression we achieved our independence on 15 October 1947. This time again, we were attacked by a stronger Muslim country – Pakistan, which resulted in ‘Provisional accession’ with India and eventual forced division of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

This is not to suggest that India did not want to make Kashmir part of India, however, fact remains it was Pakistan which violated the Standstill Agreement and attacked our country and trampled our integrity and independence. In other words entry of Pakistani troops in to Jammu and Kashmir territory was against the wishes of the Kashmiri Ruler; and entry of Indian troops was on the request of the Ruler. No doubt the Indian troops have gone far beyond the terms of the treaty and are responsible for human rights abuses; but we must not twist facts to justify the initial aggression, which is source of our miseries since 22 October 1947.

Instead of blaming the aggressor for heinous crimes committed against innocent people of Jammu and Kashmir, ‘intelligent’ people of Kashmir were persuaded in name of religion to glorify the aggressor. It is unfortunate that even now in 2012, ‘intelligent’ people of Jammu and Kashmir cannot differentiate between a friend and a foe. Despite enormous ‘sacrifices’, death and destruction they are not sure what they want, as some want accession to Pakistan, some want accession to India, some want independence; and some are happy with the status quo as this serves their interests.

If there was only one occupier then we could have achieved independence a long time ago. Similarly, if Jammu and Kashmir was not multi religion and multi ethnic then it would have been easy to decide our future. Those who advocate Islamic state forget that there are followers of other faiths in Kashmir; and even within Islam there are many sects negating each other, so we cannot have practically advance religious solution unless we want create more chaos and divide the State on religious lines.

Leaving out options of becoming independent and joining India, let us see what option of joining Pakistan has to offer people of Jammu and Kashmir. First it will divide the State on religious lines, as Buddhists of Ladakh and Hindus and Sikhs of Jammu province would not like to join Pakistan, as their interests would not be protected there; and plight of non Muslims in Pakistan is a big deterrent to them.

People of Jammu and Kashmir, especially Muslims, living on the Indian side of the divide need to think that Gilgit Baltistan is directly ruled by Pakistan since 1947; and if the Pakistani rule was anything near to be being good then people of that region would not say that they are occupied and ruled by draconian laws without rights to fundamental rights. Similarly people of so called Azad Kashmir are not happy with what Pakistani government and secret agencies do to exploit and oppress them.

Leaving that aside, now let us see what Pakistan is in view of Pakistani people: Col Riaz Jafri, who was the Principal Staff Officer to late Major General Rao Farman Ali Khan – in charge Martial Law (Civil Affairs), wrote in article, ‘Fall of Dacca’:

'Not only, that the Bengalis were treated as unequals, but it is also a fact that they were the major revenue earner for Pakistan....... The highest in authority were guilty of being too greedy, power hungry and selfish. Unfortunately we all treated East Pakistan as a colony and never granted them their justly deserved status of being the major human organ of Pakistan’s body – 54 percent of the population. As power barons of the Federal government mostly hailed from West Pakistan they never shared the power willingly or happily with their Bengali brethren.'

Source - http://k4kashmir.com/

Zubin concert sends positive waves

MUSIC is a universal language of peace and harmony as music maestro Zubin Mehta, who performed at Srinagar on Saturday, proved resoundingly. Unfortunately, prior to the concert many discordant notes were struck as separatists not only opposed the event by calling a strike but also organised a parallel function. While the successful culmination of the musical feast may have put an end to a needless controversy, the question that still begs an answer is: How would have the cause of the Kashmiri people been served by disallowing the musical extravaganza? Rather the state, where tourism is the mainstay of the economy, is likely to reap rich dividends if right signals are sent out to the international community. It is possible that organising “Ehsaas-e-Kashmir” may have had political undertones, an attempt to send out a message that all is well with Kashmir. Those who opposed the concert on the ground that it was elitist and meant for the exclusive preserve of 1,500 VVIPs are well within their right to voice their dissent. However, they must realise that such programmes can become mass events only if a conducive atmosphere is created and not under the shadow of fear and threat of disruption.

This is not the first time that misguided elements have tried to scuttle cultural events in the Valley. Two years ago their protests dealt a blow to the holding of Harud, a literary festival. Not too long ago they had come out against Pragaash, an all-girl rock band of Kashmir. Undeniably, the culture of intolerance is not confined to the Valley, it is an affliction that affects other parts of the country as well. But in the backdrop of turmoil that the state has suffered for too long, any attempt to put it back on the path of normalcy towards which it is inching slowly but steadily, should be welcome. The Valley, home to “Sufiyana mousiqi” that reinforces oneness of humanity, must reverberate with sounds of all kinds of music for no force transcends the mundane better than the seven notes of music.

Source: http://www.tribuneindia.com

Black Friday in Kishtwar

Jammu, August 10: Friday’s riots in Kishtwar were part of the new strategy known as “agitational terrorism” being adopted by the Hurriyat Conference and other anti-national forces to accomplish their unfinished nefarious agenda of “ethnic cleansing” of minorities from Muslim dominated areas of Jammu and Kashmir. Friday’s riots- in which one Dalit youth was killed by the rioters and more than 200 shops and business establishments belong to the minority Hindu community were especially targeted looted and torched, were well planned and stage managed under the patronage of Minister of State for Home, Sajjad Ahmed Kitchloo whose supporters executed the plan at ground level.

Even as the State Government was trying to project that Friday violence at Kishtwar was clashes between two communities but those who were reporting from ground zero giving different pictures as it was not clash but an attack on the minority community to force their migration.

The members of the majority community also entered the houses of minority community and torched shops selectively. The looting and arson continued right from Kuleed Chowk to Bus Stand, covering Main Market towards Shaheedi Chowk, Aman Market, Baniya Market and Purana Bazar. Surprisingly, no top police officers and the officials from the administration could be seen anywhere despite the presence of Minister of State for Home and MLA Kishtwar Sajjad Ahmed Kichloo in the town during the clashes. Even when the police personnel fired in air to disperse the mob, given their inadequate strength they failed to control the situation.”, a local news paper “The Kashmir Times”, which is known for its pro-separatist stand, reported while quoting  eye-witnesses.

According to eye-witnesses trouble started when a  group of youth, who were heading towards Eidgah Maidan, were resorted to shouting anti-India and pro-Pakistan slogans near Char Chinar Chowk. Within no time these youth, who were also carrying Pakistani flags with them, resorted to attacking members of minority community. “As everything was already planned, a number of groups spread in the Kishtwar town and resorted to attacking Hindu, their business establishments and houses”, eye witnesses said and added that some the youth were carrying fire arms with them and they started firing on members of the minority community. Stunned by the attack on majority community, members of Hindu minority community rushed towards safer places because forces deployed in the town were watching entire scene as mute spectators.

Fear psychosis prevailed among the minorities, which could be well gauged from the fact that the injured civilians of the community were not admitted in the District Hospital, which was located in the area dominated by majority community and were instead taken to Army camps. Four of them were sent to Military Hospital, Udhampur in critical condition.

Army staged a flag march in all disturbed areas including Kishtwar town at 7.40 pm resulting into restoration of normalcy but tension prevailed among the minorities, who were frightened following large scale violence unleashed against them by the majority community in the morning leading to massive damage to their property including shops and vehicles.

Surprisingly, the free for all situation in Kishtwar continued even when Minister of State for Home Sajjad Ahmad Kitchloo, who happened to be local MLA of Kishtwar, was present in the town. Locals said the miscreants armed with guns, lathis and patrol bottles moved freely in the town and outskirts torching shops, vehicles and looting property without any check by the police, which acted as mute spectators as they reportedly had been directed not to fire at the mob, sources said.

Though the Army had moved in at around 12 noon in the day, they eventually took charge of the situation around 7.40 after Chief Minister Omar Abdullah spoke to Defence Minister A K Antony at about 5 pm. The urchins fired at the houses of minorities or those rushing for safety killing one of them on spot, who has been identified as Arvind Kumar Bhagat, 28, son of Des Raj Bhagat R/o Sangram Bhatta and injuring several others, four of  them with deep bullet wounds. The injured with gun shots were identified as Sunil Kumar, 27, Rinku, 18, both residents of Cheerji, Anju Singh, 30 R/o Kuleed and Sandeep Kumar, 15, R/o Dachan.

They were airlifted from Kishtwar to Batote and then shifted in Army Hospital, Udhampur as authorities feared that their admission in the Government Medical College, Jammu would flare up communal trouble.

Background of the attack

Actually for the last couple of months, some Over Ground Workers (OGWs) of terrorists have launched a campaign to terrorize minority to force their migration. Even at the time when terrorism was on its peak, terrorists failed to force migration of minorities due to valiant role played by the Village Defence Committees (VDCs) so these OGWs started vicious campaign to get VDCs disband so to accomplish their evil designs. During the last one month, houses of minority community were especially targeted during nights by unidentified masked men in the entire erstwhile Doda district. Implication of daring police officer Shiv Kumar Sharma alias Sonu in fabricated cases was also part of the conspiracy to terrorize minority because Sonu is symbol of anti-terrorist forces in erstwhile Doda district. During the holy month of Ramzan, some members of the Muslim community intensified the campaign to terrorize Hindus. Posters of Parliament attacker Afzal Guru and other terrorists were repeatedly appearing at vital locations but authorities deliberately ignored all such things due to directions from higher level. Even two days before Eid, a delegation of BJP leader from Kishtwar and Doda called on Inspector General of Police (IGP) Jammu zone Rajesh Kumar and briefed him of situation arising out due to activities of some pro-terrorist elements but IGP failed to take any prevent step.

Role of MoS Home Sajjad Ahmed Kitchloo

As elections of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly are scheduled to be held in the year 2014, Minister of State for Home Sajjad Ahmed Kitchloo wants to communalize the situation, rather terrorize the minority, to reap political benefit because he, through his muscle power, has ability to execute rigging in minority dominated areas, as the same was done in the 2008 assembly elections. For the last three days, Mr Kitchloo was camping at Kishtwar and riots took place in his presence. “Surprisingly, despite large scale violence in Kishtwar for almost the full day leading to two fatal casualties, injuries to several others and huge loss of private property, the State Government, Police Department or even the district administration of Kishtwar didn’t issue even a single line press note on the situation despite the fact that senior officers of civil and police administration apart from the Minister of State for Home were camping there”, a reputed news paper of Jammu and Kashmir “Daily Excelsior” reported.

Sources said that Kitchloo had given strict directions to the forces not to use force against rioters. “The complete inaction on part of police administration  forced minorities living in majority community dominated areas to flee from their houses and take shelter in some safer areas as rampaging mob moved freely carrying weapons and lathis in their hands and targeting shops and business establishments.”, the news paper reported.

Source: Source: http://samvada.org

Not merely a crisis of identity

 Hari Om

The demand of the people of Jammu province for a separate State is genuine, given that the Congress-backed Kashmiri leadership has reduced them to being a non-entity, neglected and discriminated against in their own land  Jammu province and Ladakh in Jammu & Kashmir were perhaps the only regions in the country where people demanded division of the State immediately after India attained independence. They demanded reorganisation of the State on the ground that they despised the separatist and communal ideology of National Conference president and Emergency Administrator of Jammu & Kashmir, Sheikh Abdullah, and did not expect fairness from him.

                                                 In Jammu, the people, under the leadership of Balraj Madhok, who subsequently became president of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, demanded division of the State on November 1, 1947, six days after the State’s accession to India. The demand was supported by the BJS founder, Syama Prasad Mookerjee, in October 1949, when then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, at Sheikh Abdullah’s behest, granted special status to the State on purely religious grounds.

                                                 Mookerjee repeatedly said that the people of Jammu and Ladakh had the right to seek separation from Kashmir, as the Kashmiri leadership’s approach towards the country and Jammu & Kashmir was patently communal. In Ladakh, the Buddhists under the Head Lama, Kushak Bakula, raised the banner of revolt in November 1947 against Sheikh Abdullah and his administration. Bakula declared that the people of Ladakh did not want any truck with the separatist and communal Kashmiri leadership. They approached Nehru and urged him to merge Ladakh either with Jammu province or with Punjab or Himachal Pradesh.

                                                 The people of Jammu and Ladakh launched numerous struggles to achieve emancipation from Kashmir leadership between 1947 and 1987, but failed to achieve their stated goals. The Union Government, under the baneful influence of the Kashmiri leadership, rejected their demands as being ‘communal’ and against ‘national interest’.

                                                 The 1952 Delhi parleys between Jammu & Kashmir Wazir-e-Azam Sheikh Abdullah and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on the political future of Jammu & Kashmir; the 1975 Indira Gandhi-Sheikh Abdullah accord, and the 1987 Rajiv Gandhi-Farooq Abdullah accord prove one point: All these agreements were made to strike a deal with the Kashmiri leadership over the interests of the people of Jammu and Ladakh.

                                                 Things changed dramatically in 1989, when secessionist violence gripped Kashmir. The immediate fall-out was the loud clamour in Jammu for a separate State and for Union Territory status to Ladakh. The demands unambiguously pointed to the danger of being submerged under the rising clamour for ‘azadi’, plebiscite and the restoration of the pre-1953 politico-constitutional set-up or greater autonomy.

                                                 In October 1989, people in Ladakh took recourse to violence on an unprecedented scale. Two persons died and several others got injured. An alarmed Union Government had to yield and start parleys with the agitating Ladakhi leadership. The then Union Minister for Home Affairs Buta Singh persuaded them to give up their demand for Union Territory status and, offered them an Autonomous Hill Development Council instead. The Ladakhis accepted the proposal as a first step towards the final goal. Since the people of Jammu province did not create any law and order problem, their demand was not considered.

                                                 Convinced that New Delhi will not consider the demands of the people of Jammu Province, some prominent university teachers, advocates, businessmen and industrialists founded the Jammu Mukti Morcha on March 2, 1990, and launched a statehood movement with great verve. But weak leadership and conspiracies hatched by certain Jammu-based agents of Kashmiri leaders resulted in the JMM’s collapse, though the struggle for separation from Kashmir continued.

                                                 It was before the 2002 Assembly election in Jammu & Kashmir that the Rashtra Swayamsevak Sangh took a concrete step by adopting a resolution at its Kurukshetra annual meet, directing its State unit to establish the Jammu State Morcha and contest Assembly elections in alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party. The JSM and the BJP contested the election on the statehood and reorganisation plank respectively. Together they won nine seats out of 37 in Jammu province. They would have won more than 25 seats, had Congress and the Jammu & Kashmir National Panthers Party not contested the election on purely Jammu-specific planks.

                                                 The Congress hoodwinked the Jammu electorate by holding out two categorical commitments — chief ministership for Jammu and adequately-empowered regional development board — and won 15 seats. JKNPP contested on the slogan of reorganisation and for the first time won four seats. Two independent candidates also won election on statehood plank and later became associated members of the Congress to become Ministers.

                                                 In other words, the BJP, JSM, Congress, JKNPP and independent candidates won as many as 30 seats in the name of Jammu. The Congress, the People’s Democratic Party and the JKNPP formed a coalition Government in November 2002 with the PDP president as Chief Minister, but did not fulfill any of the promises. In 2008, all these parties again contested the Assembly election invoking Jammu’s cause and won 29 seats. The Congress won 13 seats holding out a commitment that “If voted to power, shall amend the State Constitution to federalise the State’s polity and establish regional council”.

                                                 The JKNPP won three seats and the BJP for the first time won 11 seats on the plank of “political empowerment”. The Congress again became part of the coalition Government but ditched the people of Jammu to keep Kashmiri leaders in good humour. The demand of the people of Jammu province for a separate State is genuine, given that the Congress-backed Kashmiri leadership has reduced them to being a nonentity. The following instances demonstrate the level of discrimination against the people of Jammu. The Chief Minister is always from the Valley and from one particular religious sect. So is the leadership of major political parties like the Congress.  Jammu returns two members to the Lok Sabha and 37 to the Assembly at the rate of one per 15.59 lakh voters and 84,270 voters, respectively. In contrast, Kashmir returns three members to the Lok Sabha and 46 members to the Assembly at the rate 9.61 lakh voters and 62,673 voters, respectively.

                                                 Jammu’s share in the Civil Secretariat is not even 25 per cent and the number of Secretaries to the Government is negligible. The unemployment rate in Jammu is over 69 per cent and in Kashmir less than 30 per cent. Over-developed and highly prosperous Kashmir has 10 districts at the rate of one per 1585.3 sq km. Jammu has an equal number of districts but at the rate of one per 2629.3 sq km. The road density km/sq km in Kashmir in 2006 was 310.4 and in Jammu it was 138.7.

                                                 The State power plants produce a paltry 25 MW electricity in Jammu as against 335.36 MW produced in adjacent Kashmir. A person from Jammu working with the Public Health Engineering under the Community Participation Scheme gets a monthly wage of Rs 500, whereas his Kashmiri counterpart gets Rs 2,100. The share of Jammu’s youth in Kashmir-based technical and professional institutions is negligible. On the contrary, Kashmiri students are in great strength in similar Jammu-based institutions.  The harsh reality is that Kashmir occupies almost all the higher and lucrative positions in the Government, be it revenue administration, the finance department, the police and judicial departments and political institutions. The net result is widespread frustration and dissatisfaction. The demand in Jammu for Statehood needs to be viewed in this context.

 (The writer is former Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Jammu)

Source: http://www.dailypioneer.com/